A professor with a doctorate in economics, Phil Gramm had real authority on the subject; he staked his reputation on the vote, and he lobbied his fellow Democrats endlessly to join him, particularly those from the South. We saw to it that the bill also carried the name of Delbert Latta (R, OH). His sponsorship allowed the Conservative Democratic Forum to sell the issue as bipartisan.
The voting was tough and close. The speaker of the house, Tip O'Neill, left the speaker's chair to badger Sam Hall (D, TX) to vote against the bill. I felt the outcome to the nation was important enough for me to break a rule, so I went over to the Democratic side of the aisle and said, "Sam, this is a chance for you to make history. Do the right thing to control federal spending." Rep. Hall voted with us.
[When I became the frontrunner], a right-wing organization known as the Rebel Underground Network wanted in.
Ole Miss was segregated at the time, and the Rebels wanted to keep it that way. The Rebels published a newspaper filled with crude calls for white supremacy. [They offered a deal]: "You pick a small number of our members for your student body cabinet, and we'll leave you alone. If you don't agree, we'll put out a special edition carrying a front-page headline giving you our unconditional endorsement." I answered, "Go ahead. I'm not making any deal with you or anyone else."
They indeed flooded the dorm rooms, with their leaflet with the headline, "The Troopers are supporting Trent Lott because Trent Lott IS a Trooper." I lost the election by 60 votes
I informed the administration, which opposed the bill, that my support for the legislation prevented me from performing my whip duties. My chief deputy whip and I both recused ourselves.
Still, the bill passed, only to be promptly vetoed by the president. I did lead the drive to override the president's veto in an exhaustive campaign, and we managed to get 276 votes--71 Republicans and 205 Democrats. But it takes 2/3 of the votes to override a president, and our tally of 276-149 fell eight votes short.
Occasionally the pelicans dive into the Gulf, then soar from the surface with their catch.
The ragtag army of press representatives had been there ever since the remarks I'd made about Sen. Strom Thurmond at an affair celebrating his 100th birthday.
The pundits had transformed those forty words into a racial furor ten days earlier. My innocent and thoughtless remark was treated by most of the media as a hanging offense.
The phones had rarely been still. During this morning alone, I'd taken calls of support from three key Republican senators; they all pledged to back whatever decision I made. There also were calls from other GOP senators, terrified that the spreading political brushfire might engulf the Senate as a whole.
After all my editing, the statement came down to one sentence: "In the interest of pursuing the best possible agenda for the future of our country, I will not seek to remain as majority leader of the US Senate for the 108th Congress effective Jan. 6, 2003."
What Morris proposed was a highly unusual alliance between the president of the US and the majority leader of the opposing party, with himself serving as clandestine intermediary. It may have been unique in the history of American politics.
Morris wanted me to forge a working relationship with Bill Clinton to enact a series of landmark bills. Morris embraced my suggestions for major welfare reform, a balanced budget act, that would include Medicare cuts, and immigration reform.
After thinking it over, I agreed to Dick's unorthodox suggestion [even though it would hurt the GOP's presidential chances in 1996]. Why, you might ask? I've always had a great enthusiasm for making law--and I believe that was why my constituents sent me to the Senate in the first place.
At a highly charged White House meeting, the president launched into a sales pitch. I was unmoved. I said, "I don't agree that this is some sort of tax reform. I just think it's another tax increase. I don't think it's the right thing for the country."
The president stopped and turned toward me. "Well, if I can't count on my whip, who can I count on?" I leaned back in my chair and thought about that. Finally, I leaned forward. "I'll do it," I said, more eagerly than I'd expected--knowing full well that it would be the biggest legislative mistake of my years as whip, and the worst vote I had yet cast in the House.
I let him talk me into it, because of my admiration for him and because of the leadership responsibility that was inherent to my elected office. I knew it was wrong. I still regret it.
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The above quotations are from Herding Cats A Life in Politics, by Sen. Trent Lott. Click here for other excerpts from Herding Cats A Life in Politics, by Sen. Trent Lott. Click here for other excerpts by Trent Lott. Click here for a profile of Trent Lott.
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