A: It started with the initial anti-terrorism bill in 1996. That probably was the first time tha we recognized specifically that we had some very fundamental common interests. We worked together after that on several other pieces of legislation, such as the asset forfeiture reform, and the national driver’s license. I had always known them to be a very consistent advocate for civil liberties, but we disagreed on so many issues that I never really sought them out in terms of an ally. But shortly after I came up to the Congress, we both realized that the size of government and the expansiveness of government power were creating a smaller sphere of personal liberty and personal privacy, and that we needed to find allies in this fight, and work together on those issues in which we agree, and agree to disagree on the other issues.
A: One place where this already seems to be coming back to haunt us is the Israeli call--temporarily suspended, but it could be resurrected--to go after Arafat and take him out, to kill him. It’s somewhat inconsistent for us to counsel the Israelis not to do that when that’s precisely the tack we seem to take in Iraq. This seems to open, to some extent, perhaps, a can of worms--where other nations will take the same standard and we might not like it.
A: No. This has been something that I never would have anticipated two and a half years ago.
Q: Do you regret voting for the USA PATRIOT Act?
A: I do. I was hoping at the time that it would not be used as a floor but as a ceiling. But it’s been a taking-off point for expanded authority in a number of areas. Perhaps most important is the fact that the administration seems to be pushing its application as broadly as it can in nonterrorism cases. And despite the assurances by the administration that Section 215, which relates to obtaining records from libraries and other repositories, is not being used, the fact is it is being used.
We have now the emergence of the CAPPS II system--the airline passenger profiling system. We have, apparently, a number of state efforts that are being funded by the federal government, such as the one that just came to light called the Matrix system, down in Florida, where the feds are providing grant monies to state agencies to set up programs similar to TIA.
A: The administration, in that instance, seemed to listen to a number of the criticisms that we made. It made some fairly substantial changes to the way they were going to carry out the tribunals. There are two concerns that I continue to have. One is that the administration can change its mind at any time. You’ve got to monitor it and make sure nobody backslides. The second is that I don’t think we’ve seen a consistent standard exercised by the administration in deciding when to use military tribunals. That’s bothersome. If you use it in an appropriate setting--a military setting, in the context of an active conflict--and you have an enemy combatant, a military tribunal with its accelerated procedures lends itself to a wartime scenario. But the government really needs to have an articulated, consistent standard.
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The above quotations are from Columns and news articles in Reason magazine.
Click here for other excerpts from Columns and news articles in Reason magazine. Click here for other excerpts by Bob Barr. Click here for a profile of Bob Barr.
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