Gerald Ford in A Time to Heal

On Foreign Policy: Eastern Europeans don't concede Soviet domination

I was stepping through a minefield, but I failed to recognize it at that time. "I don't believe," I said, "that the Romanians or the Poles consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union. Each of those countries is independent, autonomous; it has its own territorial integrity. And the US does not concede that those countries are under the domination of the Soviet Union. As a matter of fact, I visited Poland, Yugoslavia & Romania to make certain that the people of those countries understood that the President of the US and the people of the US are dedicated to their independence, their autonomy and their freedom." Carter jumped all over that.

On Foreign Policy: Soviets dominate economy in Poland but not Polish spirit

Carter jumped all over that. "I would like to see Mr. Ford convince the Polish-Americans and the Czech-Americans and the Hungarian-Americans in this country," he said, "that those countries don't live under the domination and supervision of the Soviet Union behind the Iron Curtain."

Dick Cheney thought I should issue a clarification immediately. I told him I didn't see any need for that. If the critics didn't understand what I had meant to say, then that was their problem, not mine. And in my own mind I was sure what I had meant to say. Although the Soviet Union dominated Polish territory by stationing troops there, it didn't dominate the heart, soul and spirit of the Polish people. No, I reiterated, I wasn't going to retract what I had said.

On Civil Rights: Would choose woman V.P. if he could do it over

But what a gamble it would be! This would be the sort of dramatic announcement that would electrify the country. It might reverse our party's slide in the polls. Surveys indicated that she would gain us votes from people who don't normally back Republicans, but she would also cost us more of our traditional support than any other potential nominee. She came close. Very close. Naming her was something I really wanted to do, but I found myself drawing back every time I thought about it. (In retrospect, if given the opportunity to make that decision again, I might have said, "Damn the torpedoes" and gambled on Anne.)

On Social Security: Absurd to risk federal money in stock market

Was Reagan suggesting that the government ought to plow those funds into the stock market? If so, there was proof that he didn't understand the complicated problems that the Social Security system faced. It would be absurd to risk such huge federal sums on the ups and downs of the market.

It was almost too good to be true. When reporters tried to pin him down, Reagan waffled and insisted that he'd never advocated such a step. It was just "one of the things suggested by some of the economists who are talking about this program."

On Budget & Economy: Balance government & individual; cut government growth to 5%

The time has come for a fundamentally different approach--for a new realism. We must introduce a new balance to our economy--a balance that favors not only sound, active government but also a much more vigorous, healthy economy that can create new jobs and hold down prices. We must introduce a new balance in the relationship between the individuals and the government-a balance that favors greater individual freedom and self-reliance.

On Government Reform: Untangle the petty tyranny of massive government regulation

On Budget & Economy: Ford to New York City: Drop Dead

"One week ago, NYC tottered on the brink of financial default. I can tell you now that I am prepared to veto any bill that has as a purpose a federal bailout of NYC to prevent a default. By giving a federal guarantee, we would be reducing rather than increasing the prospect that the city's budget will ever be balanced. Such a step would be a terrible precedent for the rest of the nation. None of us should now derive comfort from NYC's anguish. But neither can we let that contagion spread."

This approach, I thought, might shock New York's officials into coming to grips with their plight. And what was the result? A New York Daily News headline that read: "Ford to City: Drop Dead."

As a result of my tough stand, NYC officials finally adopted budget cuts and a financial plan that would prevent default. We lent funds to the city when its cash flow was down, at an interest rate 1% higher than the prevailing rate.

On Tax Reform: Permanent tax cuts accompanies by spending cuts

I would ask Congress for a permanent tax reduction--the biggest in our history of $28 billion. But I would not sign the tax legislation unless Congress pledged to cut anticipated federal spending by an equivalent $28 billion. That would bring the federal budget down to $395 billion. "If we cut only taxes but do not cut the growth of government spending," I explained, "budget deficits will continue to climb, we will have more inflation, and ultimately we will have more unemployment. Substantial cuts in your taxes must be tied to substantial cuts in growth of government spending."

On Free Trade: Suspended then reinstated grain sales to Soviets

Reluctantly, I suspended the Soviet grain sales. My Administration had urged farmers to increase their production and they had responded with record yield. Here we were telling them not to sell what they had produced. They were outraged, but I didn't feel that I had any alternative. The American farmer would be far better off if we could reach a long-term understanding with the Soviets [with guaranteed tonnage] and at least 1/3 of tonnage carried in American ships. [When the Soviets agreed on both points], I lifted the grain embargo and the long-shoreman loaded grain again.

On Homeland Security: 1976 themes: limited government; strong defense

On Drugs: Mandatory sentencing for federal drug offenders

I suggested mandatory prison terms for federal offenses committed with firearms or other dangerous weapons, and the same for hijackers, kidnapers and traffickers in hard drugs. Fines or prison terms, I added, should relate directly to the gravity of the offense. Fines were woefully low and did nothing to deter offenders whose business was crime. For antitrust legislation, I recommended that maximum fines be increased to $100,000 for an organization, to make the penalty commensurate with the crime.

On Gun Control: Ban Saturday Night Specials, but no regulations nor licenses

On Crime: More mandatory sentencing; more focus on victims

I do not seek vindictive punishment of the criminal but protection of the innocent victim. The victims are my primary concern. I listed my specific proposals with this new emphasis. People convicted of violent crimes should have to go to jail. I urged the imposition of mandatory sentences for them and for "career "criminals as well. Second, I suggested less delay in bringing those arrested to trial, less plea bargaining and more courtroom determination of guilt or innocence.

[We should] amend the Federal code to make more sentences mandatory. We could also supply funds to add judges, prosecutors and public defenders.

On War & Peace: Vietnam evacuation postponed to avoid damage to Vietnamese

The final siege of Saigon began on April 25. Our Air Force halted evacuation flights from Saigon because Communist rockets and artillery shells were blasting the runways. The situation there was clearly out of control. The only option left was to remove the remaining Americans and as many South Vietnamese as possible, by helicopter from the roof of the US embassy in Saigon.

When it was all over, I felt deep satisfaction and relief that the evacuation had been a success. The problem of what to do with the refugees, however, remained. The US, I felt, had a special obligation to them, and on April 30 I asked Congress to approve $507 million for their transportation and care. The House rejected my request. Unbelievable!

On Budget & Economy: Federal "vision" means big spending

On Government Reform: More local initiative; even if not "visionary"

None of these goals sounded particularly dramatic. Political pundits in the nation's capital said that my ideas were stale and that I lacked "vision" as a President.

As President, it was my job to identify the trends that were emerging in American society-trends that were not immediately apparent to everyone and generated no headlines-and then to determine what decisions could affect those trends and put the country in better shape 10 to 20 years from now.

Conservatism has always meant more to me than simply sticking up for private property & free enterprise. It has also meant defending our heritage & preserving our values.

On War & Peace: Quid pro quo: arms to Israel for peace process flexibility

On War & Peace: Supported Vietnam War, to contain Communist aggression

In retrospect legitimate questions can be raised about our involvement in the war. Had our civilian & military leaders made a sufficient analysis of the conditions there? Had they stopped to consider that our world commitments might already be too great? Did they have a clear idea of what their military objectives were? The answer to these questions is probably no. The questions can also be asked: Could we have won the war? There, I think, the answer is yes, although I'm not as sure of that today as I was in the late 1960's.

On War & Peace: Vietnam War could have been won in the 1960s

• The first assumption was that we would use our military power fully and appropriately.
• The second was that the South Vietnamese forces would build to a level sufficient for them to defend themselves.
• The third was that the people of South Vietnam would support the war effort.
• And the final assumption was the continuing support of the US Congress.

On War & Peace: Supported arms to Cyprus Turks to promote peace with Greeks

On Budget & Economy: Long-term recovery at the cost of short-term suffering

On Energy & Oil: No gas tax increase to solve energy crisis

1. Increase our domestic supply of energy
2. Conserve and manage energy demand
3. Establish standby emergency programs similar to the gas rationing.

On Budget & Economy: Moratorium on federal spending, to fight recession

Next I was going to propose a 1-year moratorium on all new federal spending programs with the exception of crucial defense and energy-producing measures. I would veto everything else. I would recommend a limit of 5% on federal pay increases in 1975, and I would propose the same ceiling apply to automatic cost-of-living increases that are tacked onto social security payments as well as government and military retirement checks.

I was well aware that this plan contained risks. My proposed tax cut would raise the budget deficit so high that instead of restoring the public's confidence in the economy, it might frighten people out of their wits & could spur a new round of inflation.

On Energy & Oil: Higher taxes on oil to reduce imports

I was well aware that this plan contained risks. The increased taxes on energy could boost inflation by hiking the cost of oil and could deflate the economy by leaving industry with less money to spend in other areas. But I would have to accept these risks.

[In the State of the Union speech], "America needs a new direction," I concluded, "a change of course which will put the unemployed back to work, increase real income and production, and achieve energy independence."

On Environment: Vetoed coal-mining reductions: jobs trump environment

On Free Trade: Vetoed US-flagged oil tanker rules as too protectionist

On Foreign Policy: Disagreed on linking Soviet MFN with Jewish emigration

Although I knew that its enactment would damage good relations with the Soviets, I decided reluctantly to sign the measure into law. A veto would have been overridden by an overwhelming majority. I could only hope that when members of Congress saw the damage they had done to the cause of furthering the emigration of Soviet Jews, they would change their minds in the next session and vote to soften or delete the amendment from the bill.

In this instance, Congressional intervention was counterproductive. Jewish emigration from the USSR dropped precipitously, and the Soviets canceled their 1972 trade agreement with us. They also reneged on their promise to settle a World War II lend-lease debt. In a world of 150 nations and fast-moving change, diplomacy is a continuing process. It must not be frozen in a statute.

On Homeland Security: Negotiated SALT-II missile limits with USSR

Brezhnev wanted us to stop production of the Trident submarine and cancel our plans to build the B-1 bomber. Our national security, I replied, demanded that we push forward with both. We simply couldn't rely on our ageing B-52's.

Brezhnev turned to look me in the eye. "This is an opportunity to protect not only the people of our two countries but, really, all mankind. We have accomplished something very significant, and it's our responsibility, yours and mine, on behalf of our countries, to achieve the finalization of the document. "

"I am optimistic that we can," I said. "We have made so much headway. This is a big step forward to prevent a nuclear holocaust."

On Foreign Policy: Note human rights when sending US troops to South Korea

As our meeting drew to a close, I asked [Cabinet members] to leave so I could chat with Park alone about the sensitive issue of human rights. Since 1972, Park had disbanded the National Assembly, set aside the South Korean constitution and adopted one-man rule. A former presidential candidate was under house arrest; the press had been gagged; church and student leaders had been jailed for criticizing Park's dictatorship. Congressional support, I said, would erode very quickly unless he took a more reasonable approach toward his opponents.

I told him I understood his problems, but urged him once again to be more lenient. Although he didn't commit himself to any specifics, I was led to believe that he would modify some of his more repressive policies.

On Free Trade: Proponent of free trade, even with Japanese export pressure

On Budget & Economy: Whip Inflation Now: voluntary participation in WIN campaign

On Jobs: Remove farm acreage limitations, to keep inflation down

On Tax Reform: Raised taxes to fight inflation

On Homeland Security: Two years alternative service for Vietnam draft dodgers

Draft dodgers, I said, could escape punishment for their offenses if they would agree to 3 conditions. First, they'd have to present themselves to a US Attorney before January 31, 1975. They'd have to pledge allegiance to the country and agree to fulfill a two year period of alternative service. Finally, they'd have to complete that obligation satisfactorily.

On War & Peace: Offered "earned amnesty" to Vietnam draft dodgers

Nixon had maintained a tough approach. Because draft evaders and deserters had broken the law, he felt, they should be punished before being allowed to return to society.

I announced the status of some 50,000 of our countrymen charged with desertion and draft-dodging: "All, in a sense, are casualties, still abroad and absent without leave from the real America. I want them to come home if they want to work their way back. In my judgment, these young Americans should have a second chance to contribute their fair share to the rebuilding of peace among ourselves and with all nations. So I am throwing the weight of my Presidency into the scales of justice on the side of leniency. I foresee their earned reentry--earned reentry--into a new atmosphere of hope, hard work, and mutual trust.

On War & Peace: Israel negotiations require flexible toughness, but not USSR

The long-standing conflict in that part of the world was also on the mind of Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. Even before I became President, Kissinger had achieved significant success in easing the Soviets out of the Middle East. I though they didn't want a bona fide settlement there and that their only aim was to promote instability, so I wanted to keep them out. Gromyko, of course, complained about this. But I decided that we could accomplish more unilaterally by working with Israel and each of its Arab neighbors.

On Welfare & Poverty: Replaced categorical housing grants with block grants

On Principles & Values: Pardoning Nixon let America's healing begin

But I wasn't motivated primarily by sympathy for his plight. It was the state of the country's health that worried me.

I was very sure of what would happen if I let the charges against Nixon run their legal course. The entire process would no doubt require years. He would be fighting for his freedom, take his cause to the people, and his constant struggle would have dominated the news. No other issue could compete with the drama of a former President trying to stay out of jail. Passions on both sides would be aroused. A period of such prolonged vituperation would be disastrous for the nation. America needed recovery, not revenge. The hate had to be drained and the healing begun.

On Homeland Security: Real spending on defense decreased during Vietnam

At the same time, another trend was developing. In 1959, federal payments to individuals accounted for 24% of the budget. By 1974, that figure had climbed to 44%. That was changing the nature of the government's role. In the early days of the Republic, the government's function was to promote domestic order and maintain national security. By 1974, its main function seemed to be the redistribution of income.

On Social Security: Entitlements make federal role into redistribution of income

I couldn't abolish those entitlement programs, but I could try to put the brakes on their rate of growth. I decided to ask Congress to impose a 5% ceiling on any increases in these various programs in the next year.

On Budget & Economy: Fight economic crises by projecting a steady hand

The reasons we were in this terrible position were fairly clear. One was LBJ's attempt to provide guns and butter simultaneously in the mid sixties. A second reason was Nixon's decision to adopt wage and price controls in 1971. The third reason was the staggering increase in energy costs that followed the 1973 Yom Kippur War. The final factor was the rise in the cost of food: drought had scorched the Midwest in 1974.

Some people believe that all a President has to do to end inflation is to flick a switch. The reality is you must have a sound economic plan--and the guts to stick with it. We tried to show leadership by projecting a clam and steady hand. Some people misinterpreted this by concluding we were stodgy and unimaginative, but that didn't bother me.

On Government Reform: Congress is too fragmented & too involved in foreign policy

On Jobs: Dems prefer to fight unemployment; GOP fight inflation

On Foreign Policy: Quiet diplomacy best for issues like Soviet Jewish emigres

On Civil Rights: Endorsed the Equal Rights Amendment

On Principles & Values: Rules for Congress: communication, conciliation, compromise

1. have no special confidants within the Cabinet
2. listen, don't confide
3. don't get involved in any jurisdictional rivalries
4. have confidants outside the Cabinet from whom advice can be solicited
5. don't get mired down in detail--handle the broad policy decisions and leave management and implementation to the department heads
6. move aggressively on all fronts toward resolution and decision
7. look at all proposals as if you're going to have to be the advocate who sells them to the public; and
8. finally, encourage dissent before a final decision is made.

On Principles & Values: Nixon brought his troubles upon himself

Repeatedly, Nixon had assured me that he was not involved in Watergate, that the evidence would prove his innocence. I had chosen to believe him, and I had tried to give him the benefit of every doubt.

I simply had to support him. If I did anything else, people would charge that I was undercutting him in order to acquire the Presidency myself.

On Principles & Values: Chosen by Nixon as safe choice for V.P.

On Homeland Security: Warren Commission: no conspiracy on JFK killing

On Principles & Values: Economic conservative; social moderate; foreign liberal