Jill Stein on Corporations
Green Party presidential nominee; Former Challenger for MA Governor
This unconscionable state of affairs cannot simply be blamed on greedy Republicans. The President himself has been leading the charge, with bipartisan Congressional help, to slash food and medicine for the vulnerable, cut critical social programs by nearly a trillion dollars in 2011 alone, and repeatedly threaten Medicare and Social Security. Meanwhile, Democrats oversaw a $16 trillion bailout for big banks and $5 trillion in tax favors for the wealthy. They made the Bush tax cuts for the rich permanent just as they were about to expire, and locked in low capital gains and inheritance taxes.
Stein: I'm not aware of any--and I am aware of lots of miserable examples of privatization--everything from prisons to the military, public transportation, judicial services, social services--privatization is an enormous step backwards. On healthcare we would save $400 billion a year if we switched to single payer--to a fully non-privatized health insurance system--with health delivery the same, but payment via public insurance. Another great example is municipal energy systems--public systems costs less, are more responsive, do faster work, and consumers can direct their energy choices. We could then make good choices for consumers and for the planet. On every front public systems are outdoing private companies.
STEIN: With Hillary, across the board, Hillary is the Wal-Mart candidate. Though she may change her tune a little bit, you know, she's been a member of the Wal-Mart board. On jobs, on trade, on healthcare, on banks, on foreign policy, it's hard to find where we are similar.
STEIN: We think that fairness is the name of the game which is what we do not have in our tax system. There is no reason why the very wealthy should be paying half as much on their earnings as low income working people. Lets just call capital gains what it is and tax it accordingly
ROMNEY: President Bush and I are different people, and these are different times. And that's why my five-point plan is so different than what he would have done.
STEIN: The lines get very blurred when you try to distinguish between even the policies of George Bush and Barack Obama on so many key areas, not to mention that the distinctions are very hard to find between Mitt Romney and George Bush. There's been enormous bipartisan collaboration on deregulation, on tax breaks for the very wealthy, and on the explosion of dirty energy as supposedly the route to a new economy. So, we've gotten ourselves into great crises under both parties. And in many ways, Barack Obama expanded the bad policies of George Bush, with Wall Street bailouts that went ballistic, the continued offshoring of our jobs, the skyrocketing of student debt and home foreclosures, the expansion of the war, the attack on our civil liberties. The list goes on.
A. He responds to his electorate. When he's running in Salt Lake, he's anti-abortion. When he's running in Massachusetts, he's pro-abortion. He responds to his electorate, broadly, except that he remains basically pro-business in a very narrow sense of the word--that is a pro-one-percent big, corporate multinational business. You know what, that's not so different from the way Larry Summers and Tim Geithner are running the country under Barack Obama. When our governorship changed from Mitt Romney and it went directly to Deval Patrick, who is another poster child for progressive Democrats, no difference. Nothing detectable. Nothing changed in Massachusetts whatsoever.
In honoring these rights we will create the basis for a new economy--an economy that is stable and not vulnerable to speculation--an economy that is prosperous and that pays for itself through the creation of real wealth that is distributed throughout America--an economy that is no longer dragged down by big corporations preying on the elderly, the poor, the disabled, the unemployed, and the young, but which instead supports small business, individual liberty, and local, thriving communities.
A: We don't need to be arming state militias, for example. We are not counting African-Americans as 3/5 of a human being like at America's founding. And we don't tell women to stay in the kitchen and not be seen or heard or represented democratically. There are some things we have improved upon, but there are some rights that we declared--freedom not only from aristocracy but also from corporate rule. Here in New England at the time of America's founding, we had the British East India Company's aristocracy. We threw off rule by the 1% then--that has now crept back into our system. In that sense we're going back to founding principles, by moving toward a democratic revival in this country.
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